Lasting
Impact: Black Panthers Today: Interviews with Barbara Easley and Kathleen Cleaver
What drew
you to the Black Panther Party (BPP) originally?
Barbara Easley: I was a student at San Francisco
State college, and I joined the Black Student Union during the time of the
Vietnam War. The Black Panther Party came to San Francisco State but I was a
little frightened of them, so I didn't get deeply involved… The next thing I knew, I was traveling to New
York to support the New York 21 [Party members who had been arrested in New
York City]. Next
thing I knew, I was in North Korea, where I stayed until October 1970. As part
of the international branch of the Black Panther Party, I set up a nursery and
a library, and I became a kind of guerrilla ambassador to the other African
liberation movements there. 
Kathleen Cleaver: I was already involved in the Black
Power movement, the campus program of SNCC, which was the other most radical
civil rights group, and Stokely Carmichael was the chair. We were on the
same page in terms of our beliefs: how society ne eded to change, the impact of slavery and
segregation on the black population, how radically society would have to be
altered to achieve something like equality for black people. We had the same
ideas about methods. One thing that was somewhat different, the Black Panther
Party started as an all-black organization, whereas SNCC was in the process of
becoming and all-black organization. SNCC was focused on rural areas, whereas
the Black Panther Party was an urban organization.
What do you
think is the lasting impact of the BPP?
Barbara 
Easley: Surprisingly, it's still an
influence. The discipline and the theory and the practice are all important.
They've remained a part of the work I do in social work and human services.
I've grown to know several policemen who are retired, and when I mention that I
was a Panther, they say, "look what's going on, where are you now?"
Getting rid of drugs, helping children, respecting elders, going to school —
that was our program. It was something positive, focused on the growth of a people.
Easley: Surprisingly, it's still an
influence. The discipline and the theory and the practice are all important.
They've remained a part of the work I do in social work and human services.
I've grown to know several policemen who are retired, and when I mention that I
was a Panther, they say, "look what's going on, where are you now?"
Getting rid of drugs, helping children, respecting elders, going to school —
that was our program. It was something positive, focused on the growth of a people.
Our legacy is…That
culture of resistance, it's all around the world, and occasionally you'll hear
somebody mention the Black Panther Party as an influence, because they read or
heard about it or saw a movie. Youth will pick up that culture of resistance,
and learn how to interpret politics and community work based on that. Take what
you need to progress.
Kathleen Cleaver: The BPP represented and the young
people recognized that their most powerful weapon was their imagination. We
could imagine how the world could be different and act to bring it about. [Huey]Newton
used to say we have to capture the people's imagination. That was a goal, to
attract people into this movement.,,,These were very mainstream goals: decent
housing, justice, access to education, and the ability to create wealth. These
kinds of demands are very central, but … BPP is viewed …as an organization that
repudiates [denies] the way in which the larger society thinks blacks should be
treated; as a consequence of that, we were called gangs and thugs.
The core belief
of the BPP was "All Power to the People," which is … still powerful.
We're not saying only poor people, or only men, or only blacks. We're saying
that the source of social and political power comes from the masses of people,
and in this society that's something that it's hard not to come against one way
or another. It's easier to get rid of all the people who believe it than to
make that belief invalid.
“Black
Power Address at UC Berkeley”
Stokely
Carmichael, October 1966
…we
maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a
"…drug of integration," and that some negroes have been walking down
a dream street talking about sitting next to white people; and that that does
not begin to solve the problem…we were never fighting for the right to
integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy…
…we are
now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or
not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without
white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they
like it or not, we gonna use the word "Black Power…”
We are
oppressed because we are black…what is called in this country as integration:
"You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with
us." And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that.
Now we maintain
that we cannot have white people working in the black community, and we mean it
on a psychological ground. The fact is that all black people often question
whether or not they are equal to whites, because every time they start to do
something, white people are around showing them how to do it. If we are going
to eliminate that for the generation that comes after us, then black people
must be seen in positions of power, doing and articulating for themselves, for
themselves…
The only
time I hear people talk about nonviolence is when black people move to defend
themselves against white people. Black people cut themselves every night in the
ghetto -- Don't anybody talk about nonviolence. Lyndon Baines Johnson is busy
bombing the hell of out Vietnam -- Don't nobody talk about nonviolence. White
people beat up black people every day -- Don't nobody talk about nonviolence.
But as soon as black people start to move, the double standard comes into
being….
And then,
therefore, in a larger sense there's the question of black people. We are on
the move for our liberation. We have been tired of trying to prove things to
white people. We are tired of trying to explain to white people that we’re not
going to hurt them. We are concerned with getting the things we want, the
things that we have to have to be able to function. The question is, Can white
people allow for that in this country? The question is, Will white people
overcome their racism and allow for that to happen in this country? If that
does not happen, brothers and sisters, we have no choice but to say very
clearly, "Move over, or we’re going to move on over you."
“A Message to the Grassroots” and “The
Black Revolution”
Malcolm X, 1964
“A Message to the
Grassroots”
…you don’t have a peaceful
revolution. You don’t have a turn-the-other-cheek revolution. There’s no such thing
as a nonviolent revolution. [The] only kind of revolution that’s nonviolent is
the Negro revolution. The only revolution based on loving your enemy is the
Negro revolution. The only revolution in which the goal is a desegregated lunch
counter, a desegregated theater, a desegregated park, and a desegregated public
toilet; you can sit down next to white folks on the toilet. That’s no
revolution. Revolution is based on land. Land is the basis of all independence.
Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality.
A revolution is bloody. Revolution
is hostile. Revolution knows no compromise. Revolution overturns and destroys
everything that gets in its way. And you, sitting around here like a knot on
the wall, saying, “I’m going to love these folks no matter how much they hate
me.” No, you need a revolution. Whoever heard of a revolution where they lock
arms…singing “We Shall Overcome”? Just tell me. You don’t do that in a
revolution. You don’t do any singing; you’re too busy swinging.
“Black Nationalism”
… I'm still a Muslim but I'm also a
nationalist, meaning that my political philosophy is black nationalism, my
economic philosophy is black nationalism, my social philosophy is black
nationalism. And when I say that this philosophy is black nationalism, to me
this means that the political philosophy of black nationalism is that which is
designed to encourage our people, the black people, to gain complete control
over the politics and the politicians of our own community.
Our economic philosophy is that we
should gain economic control over the economy of our own community, the
businesses and the other things which create employment so that we can provide
jobs for our own people instead of having to picket and boycott and beg someone
else for a job.
And, in short, our social
philosophy means that we feel that it is time to get together among our own
kind and eliminate the evils that are destroying the moral fiber of our
society, like drug addiction, drunkenness, adultery that leads to an abundance
of bastard children, welfare problems. We believe that we should lift the level
or the standard of our own society to a higher level wherein we will be satisfied
and then not inclined toward pushing ourselves into other societies where we
are not wanted.
Black Panther Party 10 Point Program
1. WE WANT FREEDOM. WE WANT POWER TO DETERMINE THE DESTINY
OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES.
We believe that Black and oppressed people will not be free
until we are able to determine our destinies in our own communities ourselves,
by fully controlling all the institutions which exist in our communities.
2. WE WANT FULL EMPLOYMENT FOR OUR PEOPLE
We believe that the federal government is responsible and
obligated to give every person employment or a guaranteed income.
3. WE WANT AN END TO THE ROBBERY BY THE CAPITALISTS OF OUR BLACK
AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES.
We believe that this racist government has robbed us and now
we are demanding the overdue debt…We will accept the payment in currency which
will be distributed to our many communities….
4. WE WANT DECENT HOUSING, FIT FOR THE SHELTER OF HUMAN
BEINGS.
We believe that if the landlords will not give decent housing
to our Black and oppressed communities, then housing…the people in our
communities, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for the
people.
5. WE WANT DECENT EDUCATION FOR OUR PEOPLE THAT EXPOSES THE
TRUE NATURE OF THIS DECADENT AMERICAN SOCIETY. WE WANT EDUCATION THAT TEACHES
US OUR TRUE HISTORY AND OUR ROLE IN THE PRESENT-DAY SOCIETY.
We believe in an educational system that will give to our
people a knowledge of the self.
6. WE WANT COMPLETELY FREE HEALTH CARE FOR All BLACK AND
OPPRESSED PEOPLE.
We believe that the government must provide, free of charge,
for the people, health facilities which will not only treat our illnesses, most
of which have come about as a result of our oppression…
7. WE WANT AN IMMEDIATE END TO POLICE BRUTALITY AND MURDER
OF BLACK PEOPLE, OTHER PEOPLE OF COLOR, All OPPRESSED PEOPLE INSIDE THE UNITED
STATES.
We believe that the racist and fascist government of the
United States uses its domestic enforcement agencies to carry out its program
of oppression against black people, other people of color and poor people
inside the united States. We believe it is our right, therefore, to defend
ourselves against such armed forces and that all Black and oppressed people
should be armed for self defense of our homes and communities against these
fascist police forces.
8. WE WANT AN IMMEDIATE END TO ALL WARS OF AGGRESSION.
…We believe that if the United States government or its
lackeys do not cease these aggressive wars it is the right of the people to
defend themselves by any means necessary against their aggressors.
9. WE WANT FREEDOM FOR ALL BLACK AND OPPRESSED PEOPLE NOW
HELD IN U. S. FEDERAL, STATE, COUNTY, CITY AND MILITARY PRISONS AND JAILS. WE
WANT TRIALS BY A JURY OF PEERS FOR All PERSONS CHARGED WITH SO-CALLED CRIMES
UNDER THE LAWS OF THIS COUNTRY.
We believe that the many Black and poor oppressed people now
held in United States prisons and jails have not received fair and impartial
trials under a racist and fascist judicial system and should be free from
incarceration…We believe that when persons are brought to trial they must be
guaranteed, by the United States, juries of their peers, attorneys of their
choice and freedom from imprisonment while awaiting trial.
10. WE WANT LAND, BREAD, HOUSING, EDUCATION, CLOTHING,
JUSTICE, PEACE AND PEOPLE'S COMMUNITY CONTROL OF MODERN TECHNOLOGY.
…We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That
to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their
just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of
government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to
alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its
foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to
them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness…
“The Basis of Black Power”
The Black Panther Party
If people must express themselves
freely, there has to be a climate in which they can do this. If blacks feel
intimidated by whites, then they are not liable to vent the rage that they feel
about whites in the presence of whites--especially not the black people whom we
are trying to organize, i.e., the broad masses of black people. A climate has
to be created whereby blacks can express themselves. The reasons that whites
must be excluded is not that one is anti-white, but because the effects that
one is trying to achieve cannot succeed because whites have an intimidating
effect.
Thus an all-black project is needed
in order for the people to free themselves…There is no doubt in our minds that
some whites are just as disgusted with this system as we are. But…there can be
no talk of "hooking up" unless black people organize blacks and white
people organize whites. If these conditions are met, then perhaps at some later
date…meaningful alliances can be discussed.
In the beginning of the movement,
we had fallen into a trap whereby we thought that our problems revolved around
the right to eat at certain lunch counters or the right to vote, or to organize
our communities. We have seen, however, that the problem is much deeper. The
problem of this country, as we had seen it, concerned all blacks and all whites…
If we are to proceed toward true liberation, we must cut ourselves off
from white people. We must form our own institutions, credit unions, co-ops,
political parties, write our own histories…
These facts do not mean that whites
cannot help. They can participate on a voluntary basis. We can contract work
out to them, but in no way can they participate on a policy-making level.
